How to Make Yogurt With Chemistry

Yogurt is made by fermenting milk. Its high in protein, calcium, and probiotics (good bacteria). Heres how to make yogurt and a look at the chemistry of yogurt. Chemistry Yogurt forms when bacteria ferment the sugar lactose (C12H22O11) into lactic acid (C3H6O3). The lactic acid makes the milk more acidic (lower the pH), causing the proteins in milk to coagulate. The main protein in dairy milk is casein. The acidity gives yogurt its tangy flavor, while the coagulated proteins result in a thickened, creamy texture. There is no simple chemical equation for yogurt production since multiple reactions occur. Several types of bacteria can ferment lactose. Yogurt cultures may contain Lactobacillus delbrueckii subsp. bulgaricus, other Lactobacillus strains, Streptococcus thermophilus, and bifidobacteria. Recipe You can make yogurt from any type of milk. Although most yogurt is made from bovine milk (e.g., cow, sheep, goat), the fermentation process works on other types of milk, as long as they contain a sugar for the bacteria to ferment and protein that can be coagulated. Yogurt can be made from soy milk, coconut milk, and almond milk. The first time you make yogurt, you need a starter culture as a source of the bacteria. You can use ordinary store-bought yogurt with active culture or you can use freeze-dried yogurt starter. If you use a commercial yogurt starter, follow the packaging directions, since activating the culture varies depending on the product. Once you make your first batch of yogurt, you can use a couple of tablespoons of it to start future batches. While it may seem like you would want to add more active culture to a recipe, adding too much bacteria produces a sour yogurt rather than a pleasantly tangy yogurt. Ingredients   1 quart milk (any kind)1/4 to 1/2 cup non-fat dry milk (optional)2 tablespoons plain yogurt with live cultures (or you can use freeze-dried bacteria instead) Recipe Set the starter yogurt out at room temperature while you prepare the milk. This warms the yogurt so that it wont chill your recipe too much when you add it later.Heat the milk to 185 °F (85 °C). The purpose of this step is to re-pasteurize the yogurt, preventing any unwanted bacteria from growing, and to denature the proteins so that they will be able to coalesce and thicken the yogurt. The easiest way to do this is to use a double boiler or set your container of milk inside a pan of water. Heat the water to near-boiling. Dont worry—the ​​milk cant boil using this technique. If you have to heat the milk directly, stir it constantly and watch the temperature to make sure it doesnt boil or burn. If you do not have a thermometer, the milk will start to froth at 185 °F (85 °C).Once the milk reaches the temperature or starts to froth, remove it from heat and allow the milk to cool 110 °F (43 °C). One way to do this is to place the container of milk in a co ld water bath. Otherwise, you can leave the milk on the counter and allow it to cool. Either way, stir the milk occasionally so that the temperature is uniform. Dont proceed to the next step until the temperature of the milk is below 120 °F(49 °C), but dont let the milk cool below 90 °F (32 °C). 110 °F (43 °C) is the optimal temperature.At this point, you can add nonfat dry milk. This is an optional step that helps the yogurt thicken more readily, plus it adds nutritional content to the yogurt. Its purely a matter of preference, whether you add the dry milk or not.Stir in the starter yogurt.Put the yogurt into clean, sterile containers. Containers can be sterilized by boiling them. The reason for sterilizing the containers is to prevent unwanted mold or bacteria from growing in your yogurt. Cover each container with plastic wrap or a lid.Keep the yogurt as close to 100 °F (38 °C) as possible and undisturbed, to bacterial growth. Some ovens have a proof setting that y ou can use. Other ideas include setting the yogurt on a heating mat (being sure to check the temperature) or placing the containers in a warm water bath. Youll have a custard-like yogurt after about 7 hours. It wont resemble store-bought yogurt because that has thickeners and additional ingredients. Your yogurt should have a yellowish or greenish liquid on top, a creamy custard texture, and may have a cheesy odor. The thin yellowish liquid is whey. You can pour it off or mix it in, whichever you prefer. Its completely edible, though you may add fruit, flavorings, or herbs, according to your taste. If you leave the yogurt at this temperature longer than 7 hours, it will thicken and become tangier.When the yogurt is the thickness and flavor you want, refrigerate it. Homemade yogurt will keep for 1-2 weeks. You can use yogurt from this batch as a starter for the next batch. If you are going to use yogurt as a starter, use unflavored yogurt, within 5-7 days.

Paradox Measure For Measure, 1984 And Punishment

Paradox in Measure for Measure, 1984 and Punishment Paradox in Orwell’s 1984 novel emphasizes the contradictions of the legal institutions more than in Shakespeare’s Measure for Measure. The usage of irony to show the cruelty behind the words of the Party slogan, â€Å"WAR IS PEACE FREEDOM IS SLAVERY IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH.† (Orwell 4). Orwell uses antonyms to show the reader in this slogan the contradiction in its own words. Irony is crucial to understand why Orwell’s use of paradox in 1984 is superior to explain the reversed roles of the institutions on punishment than Measure for Measure. Both authors describe contradictions on the role of the legal institutions through the main characters’ experiences. Once we see that the laws are in contradiction through the actions of those in power, and then we can understand the importance of how each author writes about both events before and after paradox. By using oxymoron, we will see that it is the paradox emphasizing the contradiction of the institution rather than the punishment. To understand the importance of paradox in these novels we must find examples of contradiction from each text. In Measure for Measure Duke says, â€Å"†¦I will lay myself in hazard. Claudio, whom here you have warrant to execute, is no greater forfeit to the law than Caldeira 2 Angelo who hath sentenced him.† (5.2.150-154) It shows that Angelo was not the virtuous man he appeared to be. He had his own hands dirty and he was trying toShow MoreRelatedManagerial Accounting2802 Words   |  12 Pageslabor-intensive products If the total overhead is allocated to products, we enter the DEATH-SPIRAL: the more we eliminate unprofitable products, the less profitable become the remaining products (because they absorb the cost of excess capacity) Possible paradox: very expensive machines are bought to automate production of one single product ( direct labor required for the product is reduced thanks to automation ( the driver for overhead allocation (which is DL$) decreases ( overhead cost for the productRead MoreThe Lord of the Rings: Our Motivation in Committing Evil Acts3549 Words   |  15 Pagesprimacy and independence, whereas evil becomes secondary and dependent on goodness. This view is more succinctly debated by the Christian philosopher, St. Augustine, as he writes: Wherever you see measure, number, and order, you cannot hesitate to attribute all these to God, their Maker. When you remove measure, number, and order, nothing at all remains†¦Thus, if all good is completely removed, no vestige of reality persists; indeed nothing remains. Every good is from God. There are many illustrationsRead MorePrison : The Cost Of Punishment3442 Words   |  14 PagesIs keeping inmates by the hundreds in prison cafeterias instead of cells becoming the norm? This is what a documentary, Life In Prison: The Cost of Punishment, asks. It explores the lives of incarcerated peoples in three California state prisons, portraying the dire consequences of prison overcrowding. As of 2013, the total prison population in the United States was 2,217,000. This is nearly five times the total of 1980, 503,586. The United States has the largest number of incarcerated people inRead More Television Violence Essay3780 Words   |  16 Pagesviolent attitudes and behaviour in individuals? Violence on television can do one of three things. The first is make us more violent (Huesmann 1982), the second is make us less violent (Feshbach 1972) and the third is to have no effect at all (Freedman 1984, Kaplan and Singer 1976). Most evidence has supported the first argument namely t hat television violence does increase our own violent behaviour. There are four main effects that cause this violent behaviour when viewing it on television. The firstRead More The Pathological Protagonist of Dostoevsky’s Notes from the Underground2598 Words   |  11 Pagesportrayal of depravity, gives the Devil some of his best arguments, the Gospel often triumphs. Ivan Karamazov is at least offered the possibility of repentance when kissed by his saintly brother Alyosha. Raskolnikov, the nihilistic antihero of Crime and Punishment, is eventually redeemed through the love of the pure prostitute Sonja. Notes from the Underground, however, breaks this pattern. The protagonist of this novel, who, uncharacteristically for Dostoevsky, is also the narrator, is not redeemed byRead MoreA Report On Tropical Lime ( Tl )2499 Words   |  10 Pagespurchased. This questions the validity of the PDE, implying it may be too simplistic. Raghubir (2004) extended previous conclusions and hypothesized that HV coupons are effective, but only marginally if negative inferences about price are drawn- this paradox is described in the literature as the coupon value effect (CVE). The CVE refers to the notion that HV promotions may lead to inference of higher actual product price (Raghubir, 1998). Given that expectations are an important factor in purchase behaviorRead MoreUnifying Principles of10026 Words   |  41 Pagesorganizational behavior and management that distill and synthesize essential features of many of the established theories and models. Each principle is described in terms of two concepts, which can be viewed as dichotomous, continuous, or paradoxical measures of the principle, and applied independently or in combination to explain representative theories. The implications of these underlying principles for teaching organizational behavior and management as well as for conducting organizational analysesRead MoreTorts study notes Essay17110 Words   |  69 Pagesinstrument aimed largely at the goal of deterrence, commonly explained within the framework of economics. The other looks at tort law as a way of achieving corrective justice betwee n the parties. If these are alternative camps, they are also to a large measure unfriendly camps: much of the time each treats the other with neglect or even derision. The development of each scholarly group and the explanations for their attitudes toward each other are dealt with in Part I below.    The debate within tort scholarshipRead MoreReward Systems11202 Words   |  45 Pageshave the ability, by and large, to impact broader organizational-performance measures such as profitability, cash flow and revenue growth, he says. These are the measures at the core of building longer-term shareholder value in most companies. While reward systems for such employees may not be linked to higher organizational performance, potential bonuses should be attainable, and workers should feel that the measures they are evaluated on are within their control or their day-to-day job responsibilitiesRead MoreSuccess and Failure in Organizational Change14750 Words   |  59 Pages2008), by leading academics in the ï ¬ eld like Rosabeth Moss Kanter (Kanter et al., 1992) and John Kotter (1996), and from reviews of the change literature (Smith, 2002, 2003; Burnes, 2009a). Therefore, organizations appear to be faced with a classic paradox: ‘We have to change but most of our change initiatives fail’. The key question, of course, is – why do so many change initiatives fail? Strangely enough, this is a question which has attracted only limited attention (Buchanan et al., 2005). Some writers

Japanese Employment Practices Free Essays

string(245) " Sources of change Prior to summer of 1997, the Japanese system guaranteed easy access to low-cost capital and raw materials was supplied by a loyal and devoted labour force \(at the time of labour shortage\) which facilitated market expansion\." |International EMPLOYMENT RELATIONS | |TO WHAT EXTENT THE JAPANESE EMPLOYMENT PRACTICES HAS CHANGED AFTER THE ECONOMIC CRISIS? | | |[pic] | | | |SINTHIA NOVA | |Student ID – 2724881 | |14th May 2009 | Table of Contents INTRODUCTION3 TRADITIONAL JAPANESE MODEL OF EMPLOYMENT SYSTEM4 THE CHANGING NATURE OF JAPANESE EMPLOYMENT SYSTEM5 1. Sources of change5 2. Lifetime employment6 3. We will write a custom essay sample on Japanese Employment Practices or any similar topic only for you Order Now Seniority-based Pay and Promotion System7 4. Enterprise Unions9 CONCLUSION9 REFERENCES10 INTRODUCTION In the post-war period, Japanese manufacturing companies significantly increased their share of the global market of automobiles (Automotive News-Market Data Book, quoted in Womack, Jones, and Roos 1991, 69) as well as achieving more than 50 percent of the world markets in cameras, video recorders, watches, calculators, microwave ovens, motorcycles, and colour televisions (Oliver and Wilkinson 1992, 5). Much of this success was attributed to the forms of human-resource Management found in Japanese companies (Abegglen and Stalk 1987; Clark 1987; Dore 1990; Tachibanaki and Noda 2000). However, during the period of Asian Financial crisis and economic recession for most of the 1990s, the typical Japanese features that supported comparatively high performance until the late 1980s came in for severe criticism. Considering the high performance of the US economy in the 1990s, Neoliberals, based on the universal relevance of liberal markets, argue that the Japanese model is dead, and that Japan must (and will) adopt the US liberal market model (Lindsey and Lukas, 1998; Lin, 2001; Dornbusch, 1998; Krugman, 1996). By contrast, many theorists of institutionalism, based on contextualized efficiency and path-dependent national patterns, claim that Japan continues its path-dependent national model due to its unique culture – taken for granted within the culture – the interconnectedness of institutions and agents’ efforts to utilize the comparative advantages of their institutions (Dore, 2000; Green, 2001; Isogai et. al. , 2000; Chesbrough, 1998; DiMaggio and Powell, 1983; Hall and Soskice, 2001). However, neither the neoliberals’ argument for simple convergence towards a liberal market economy nor the institutionalists’ claim for the continuation of the original Japanese model can explain the dynamic changes happening within the Japanese model at the turn of the century. In this report, the recent trends of Japanese employment relations will be examined. Two questions have been addressed here. First, why the traditional Japanese employment system has been changed. Second, to what extent has ER system has been changed? To answer these questions we will first examine the traditional Japanese model and then after considering some issues relating to the reasons of this change, we will analysis the current trends to find out the extent of modification in a number of typical ER practices. A discussion of the implications of these changes is then be presented, followed by the conclusion. TRADITIONAL JAPANESE MODEL OF EMPLOYMENT SYSTEM Japan is a complex, dynamic society that has undergone enormous change in the past 125 years, converting itself from a feudal state into a modern industrialized nation and an economic superpower. In doing so, the Japanese have been able to copy Western technology, science, education and politics, while still keeping their unique cultural identity. One distinct feature of Japan that separated it from other Asian countries was it collective culture which has been carried over to the companies (Kashima and Callan, 1994). As an employee, an individual identity’s with a larger entity through which one gains pride and feeling of being part of something significant, tying an individual’s prestige directly to the prestige of his or her employer. Typically, the company is seen as a provider of security and welfare. To a large extent, loyalty to the company surpasses the family bond. The core principles of Japanese employment model is the so-called ‘‘THREE SACRED TREASURES’’ (sanshu no jingi) of Japanese management. 1)The lifetime/long term employment system (shushin koyo) The terms â€Å"long-term† or â€Å"permanent† employment are used synonymously to describe lifetime employment, which was established at many companies during the period of high economic growth during the 1960s. The concept of lifetime employment emerged as a result of the peculiar aspects of Japanese employer-employees relations that were supported by narrow labour markets during the post-war period when Japan experienced a labour shortage for the first time in her industrial history. This system developed and was established at many large and mid-sized companies during this period of high economic growth. With rapid technology innovation and expansion of businesses, large-sized companies hired inexperienced manpower directly from the labour market and through in-house training and development programs these workers developed various skills and techniques. (2)The system of seniority-based wage and promotion (nenko joretsu) Here status and seniority are tied to length of service, rather than to job duties or merit. According to this system, the decisive factors determining pay are the length of service, age and educational background, not the work performed. The system goes hand-in-hand with the lifetime employment. Traditionally, the seniority-based reward system had two different aims. The first was to advance an employee’s career and provide financial compensation based on a broad social considerations and personal qualifications, such as the age and education level of employees. The second was to make extensive use of non-cash fringe benefits for employees and their families. 3)Enterprise unionism (kigyobetsu rodo kumiai) Another important characteristic of Japanese employment relations are enterprise-based unions. In Japan, unions are organized at the enterprise level, collectively bargain with a single employer, and conclude collective agreements on the enterprise level. According to Inohara: â€Å"Enterprise-wide unionism specifically expresses the workplace in terms of union mem bership. In principle, it organizes all regular employees of a company indiscriminately into one union, i. e. it is an employee organization on the basis of where they work (company) and not what they do (occupation or skill). Such a labor union is not dominated by the company; it represents the workforce, and as such, enjoys appropriate prestige and benefits provided by the company. Relations between management and the union are between insiders, namely, all the members of the union are company employees. Intervention by outsiders such as industrial and national labor organizations, outside business agents, or attorneys is not tolerated. † THE CHANGING NATURE OF JAPANESE EMPLOYMENT SYSTEM Sources of change Prior to summer of 1997, the Japanese system guaranteed easy access to low-cost capital and raw materials was supplied by a loyal and devoted labour force (at the time of labour shortage) which facilitated market expansion. However, the market became saturated and the economy slowed down, these competitive advantages were turned into liabilities. Keiretsu banks found themselves saddled with bad debts from group companies, inter-group purchasing became barriers to cost reduction, and excess size of an albeit loyal labour force was viewed as a burden to struggling companies. Japanese companies were also reacting to the information revolution and were left behind by their American counterparts. Although, most Japanese companies have found change at a quick pace too much to ask they had to adopt foreign practices and policies in order to survive. Deregulation is another force for change. It has made Japanese markets more accessible to competitors, foreign as well as domestic. In heretofore-protected industries like financial services, distribution and agriculture few firms are prepared for the onslaught of competition and uncertainty (Lincoln and Nakata, 1997). The aging population also has clear implications for corporate employment relation practice. With an aging workforce, the permanent employment and seniority system burdens firms with rising numbers of higher-paid and less productive workers. Previously, these systems were more suitable to employers, since the steep seniority escalator resulted in less payment for the relatively young workforce and the permanent employment norm reduced the uncertainties and costs of high staff turnover. Furthermore, the transition to a service economy combined with socio-cultural and socio-economic changes has had a profound effect on Japan’s employment institutions. Even though leading-edge manufacturers are still competitive, their contribution to Japanese domestic employment and income is shrinking, in favor of the emerging service sector as the next great engine of jobs and wealth. Employment practices of sales and service firms are different from those of manufacturing. Their younger workforce is more mobile, less committed to work and the firm. Furthermore, since the organization of work in service firms is less team based, individual performance is more easily evaluated. Also, occupational skills are valued over firm-specific skills, so that broad job experience becomes the main driver of wages and performance rather than loyalty to one employer (Debroux, 1997; Lincoln and Nakata, 1997; Ornatowski, 1998). Lifetime employment One of the distinct features of the Japanese employment relations system is lifetime employment. Japanese workers joins companies at a young age, and spend a larger portion of their life in the company compared to other countries. The figure below can show that Japanese workers in terms of length of service, average number of years and median years compared to workers in other countries was much higher . Table1: Comparative Length of Service [pic] Source: Adopted from Current Labour Economy in Japan. Notes: 1, 2 and 3: Average length of service based on OECD Report, 1995. Other figures from the respective country. From the middle of the economic crisis till 1990, there have been ongoing debates to reform the lifetime employment system. Company attitudes were gradually changing due to increasing labor costs, employees’ age, a growing rise in the number who unable to cope with the rapidly developing new technology and changing globalized markets. Employers now need staff with readily usable skills and workers who have specialized abilities in order to respond to stiffer competition and handle more complex specialized operations. The older workers employed with lifetime contacts are not able to adjust rapidly to new developing technologies typified by information technology. Many companies have begun to adopt more diverse hiring practices over past few years, taking on experienced employees in mid-career in addition to new graduates. Employers prefer to hire mid-career and non-regular workers both in large, mid- and small-sized organizations. The rate of hiring of midcareer workers in non-clerical positions is higher in small businesses. Hiring mid-career workers, on the one hand, minimizes training costs and, on the other hand, companies get workers with ready-made skills who can work with developing technology. In fact, employers are now seeking staff with readily available skills and workers with specialized abilities who can handle more complex and specialized operations so they can respond to stiffer competition. Many employers are arguing for some partial adjustment to the prevailing practice of lifetime employment. The table below shows how companies are changing their attitude toward lifetime employment practices: Table 2: Companies changing their attitude toward lifetime employment practices: Attitude Response |Percentage | |Partial adjustment is inevitable |40. 0 | |Will basically maintain the practice |36. 1 | |Fundamental review is necessary |15. 3 | |Do not have lifetime mployment practice |5. 2 | |No response |3. 3 | Source: Labour Situation in Japan and Analysis 2004-2005, p. 26. According to the Ministry of Labour Special Survey, about 30 percent of all employees in Japan are non-regular as of 2000 (Japan Labor Bulletin, 2000: 1–2). According to the table below, the r ecent trend Table 3 : Changes in Regular and Non-Regular Employees during Recession (10,000) |1985–6 |1991–4 |1997–2001 | | |Regular Non-Regular |Regular Non-Regular |Regular Non-Regular | |Female |24 |15 |47 |64 |-82 |151 | |Male |16 |2 |119 |10 |-89 |55 | |Total |40 |17 |166 |74 |-171 |206 | Source: Wakisaka (2002). towards using non-regular workers is in contrast to the traditional pattern in which non-regular workers decreased during recession while regular workers maintained their jobs due to their skills accumulated through in-house training. In 1997–2001, the number of regular employees in Japan sharply declined by 1. 71 million, while the number of non-regular workers increased by 2. 06 million. The fact that non-regular workers are replacing regular workers indicates that Japanese companies have changed their traditional values of high skills based on in-house training and employees’ loyalty supported by lifetime employment, instead considering labour costs and the flexibility of the labour market. As a Joint Labour Management 1998 survey documents, workplace morale has declined as the number of non-regular workers has increased (Morishima, 2001). Seniority-based Pay and Promotion System Another important characteristic of Japanese employment relations system is the seniority-based pay and promotion system. To understand the main concept behind the seniority-based wage system it is important to know the wage theory presented by Koike. year) where wage refer to: a) salaries that increase in accordance with age and length of service; b) the rewards that are not paid on the basis of the job performed; and c) that are unique to Japan. The main salary determination factor s are seniority and the number of years the employee has been working at the company. Salary increase based on seniority is a general labour practice, and not a â€Å"system. † Japanese companies rarely evaluate academic degrees such as doctorate. Yamanouchi and Okazaki-ward had tried to explain the history and practices of the evaluation system in Japan. They argue that Japanese companies had gone through different turning points in the evaluation system for the sake of pay and promotion. The American system of job analysis and job classification was introduced as a modern, rational management system to rebuild Japanese management in the 1950s which marked the first turning point in the Japanese system. The second turning point came between the 1960s and 1970s when companies introduced a competency-ranking system which almost 64 percent of the organizations followed until 1974. The third restructuring occurred in the 1980s when the competency-ranking system did not work effectively due to the effect of an increase in the value of yen; globalize business activities, deregulation, the maturation of the economy, and an aging workforce. Keeping senior employees became more costly than employing younger employees, particularly those over 40 years old in 1990 due to the recession. This was driven by the need to cut cost. In recent years, growing numbers of companies are clearly evaluating ability and performance over tenure and age in salary decision. Since the early 1990s, some companies have introduced a system of job ability-based wages focusing individual worker performance over one year compared with goals set at the beginning. This new system is quite close to a true performance-based pay system. It has been termed â€Å"Annual Salary System† and has been introduced by about 10 percent of large companies. This system is primarily used for managers and general managers, not for lower level employees. The monetary benefits to employees, if any at all, are typically small (Debroux,1997; Lincoln and Nakata, 1997; Ornatowski, 1998). The attempt to shift to performance pay shows the dilemma between companies who worry that the resulting inequities will destroy morale and unity. Besides, most companies may be do not like to see younger people supervise older ones. Also, there are fears that individual merit pay will ruin the Japanese system of team-based production, where stronger team members assist weaker ones for the good of the performance of the team as a whole (Lincoln and Nakata, 1997). The continuities in the Japanese employment systems are as striking as the changes, especially when one looks at the depth and length of the economic recession. Based on data from 1,618 firms, Morishima (1995) highlights three different types of attitudes and actions of firms toward employment system reform. One group of companies tries to change their wage system from seniority based to performance based and these firms try at the same time to use the external labor market to recruit workers. Although they represent the highly publicized trend away from traditional Japanese employment practices, these companies only make up 10. 8% of the sample. Most firms (56. %) have retained the traditional employment system representing the majority force of continuity. A third group (32. 4 %) shows a mixed picture consisting of firms that are reforming the wage system, while maintaining long-term employment practices. These findings highlight the striking resilience of traditional practices as well as some important changes. Enterprise Unions Japanese unions are organized on an enterprise basis, with only permanent, fulltime employees of the company eligible to join the union. This structure has led Japanese unions to defend job security and the working conditions of their members through company-based mechanisms. The union’s chances of success through such mechanisms is, at this time, somewhat diminished. This has led unions to focus on job security rather than pay increases, which has lessened their appeal to young people, and has alienated unorganized nonregular workers in large companies and the vast majority of employees in small companies (Debroux 2003a). With the decline of lifetime employment and the increase in the number of non-regular workers, not only enterprise unions but the entire union movements are now declining. For example, the unionization rate (union members divided by number of employees) declined from 34. 7 percent in 1975, to 28. 9 percent in 1985, 23. 8 percent in 1995 and 22. percent in 1998 (Shirai, 2000: 20). In addition, the role of conflict resolution traditionally played by Japanese enterprise unions, also declined despite the formal existence of enterprise unions. Recently, individual labour–management conflicts have increased. For example, the num ber of cases concerning workplace disputes over daily employment and working conditions, dealt with by the Labour Standards Inspection Offices, increased to 20,000 in 1994. Similarly, the number of cases of consultation that the Labour Administration Offices and the Women’s and Young Workers Offices deal with have also exceeded 75,000 and 10,000, respectively (Shirai, 2000: 119). It is important to note that since the economic contribution of temporary workers is increasing, it’s necessary to recognize their representation in the labor market by protecting their rights. With increased cost-cut measures adopted by employers due to rising competition, there has been a substantial increase in the employment of non-regular workers in the last few years. The unionization rate of these workers is only three percent. At the same time, employers have become increasingly interested in performance-based systems on the enterprise level. These developments should influence the future role of unions in the regular wage negotiation process. CONCLUSION This report has explored the changes taking place in ER in Japanese firms. A period of sustained economic decline, increased global competition, a rigid employment and business system, a banking system on the verge of collapse, and the occurrence of the Asian financial crisis meant that the 1990s was a catalyst for change and regeneration. While these factors were influential in providing the impetus for change, other factors, such as the aging population, declining birth rates, and the short-term horizons of younger workers, were also important. Overall I have found evidence of the flexibility in distinctive features of Japanese employment relations system, which are lifetime employment, seniority based system and enterprise-based unions. The number of employees under lifetime contract is now in decline as Japanese companies have started to adopt more diverse hiring practices, such as: taking on experienced employees in mid-career in addition to new graduates, recruiting contingent workers e. g. part-time and other types of non-regular employees has overtaken employment of lifetime employees in recent years. In 1982, 84% of full-time workers were â€Å"regular† workers— with long-term careers and good fringe benefits at one company. But 20 years later, the regular workers’ share had shrunk to 68%. Companies attitudes towards seniority based system have been changing as well. Many companies have changed their wage systems to reflect individual performance. They are now adopting â€Å"PAY SYSTEM BASED ON PERFORMANCE,† which represented by the annual salary system and â€Å"JOB-BASED SALARY,† which mainly focusing on people occupying managerial positions or higher. An increasing number of companies are putting a stop to their practice of periodic salary raises based on seniority and introducing systems in which bonuses are influenced by evaluations. Another important characteristic of Japanese employment relations are enterprise-based unions, which is now under threat because of the decline of lifetime employment and the increase in the number of non-regular workers. Moreover, given today’s strict economic climate in which wage increases are difficult, the SHUNTO is shifting from its former policy of seeking wage increases as the highest priority to â€Å"job security and maintenance. † No matter whether it regards performance pay, the elimination of management titles, or reductions of the workforce, the change of employment practices in Japanese companies seems to be slow and incremental, carefully avoiding unexpected or shocking breaks with the past. Furthermore, they are not changing the typical Japanese model completely, trying to make it more effective by modifying them according to the new trend of highly competitive globalized market. REFERENCES Bamber. G. J, Lansbury R D, Walies. N . (2006) International and Comparative Employment Relations: Globalization and the developed market economies. 4th ed. SAGE Publications Ltd, London. BENSON, J and DEBROUX , P (2004) The Changing Nature of Japanese Human Resource Management: The Impact of the Recession and the Asian Financial Crisis. vol. 34, no. 1, pp. 32–51. Int. Studies of Mgt. Org. [online] Available from: Xpert HR. http://xperthr. co. uk [Accessed 28 April 2009] Benson, J. and Debroux, P. – Th e Changing Nature of Japanese HRM: The Impact of the Recession and the Asian Financial Crisis. International Studies of Management and Organization, 34 (1) 2004: pp. 32-51 Selmer, J. (2001) Human resource management in Japan :Adjustment or transformation? Volume: 22 Issue: 3 Page: 235 – 243, MCB UP Ltd [online] Available from: Emerald. http://www. emerald-library. com/ft [Accessed 10 May 2009] Hattori, R and Maeda, E. (2000) The Japanese Employment System (Summary). Issue-January 2000, Bank of Japan Monthly Bulletin, [online] Available from: www. boj. or. p/en/type/ronbun/ron/research/data/ron0001a. pdf [Accessed 10 May 2009] Hyeong-ki Kwon (2004) Japanese Employment Relations in Transitio,. Economic and Industrial Democracy 2004; 25; 325, [online] Available from: SAGE . http://eid. sagepub. com/cgi/content/abstract/25/3/325 [Accessed 10 May 2009] Adhikari, R (2005) National Factors and Employment Relations in Japan. Japan Institute of Labour Policy and Training, Tokyo, [onli ne] Available from: http://www. jil. go. jp/profile/documents/Adhikari. pdf [Accessed 10 May 2009] Kambayashi, R Kato, T (2008) The Japanese Employment System after the Bubble Burst: New Evidence, [online] Available from: http://faculty. hicagobooth. edu/brian. barry/igm/TheJapaneseEmploymentSystem. pdf [Accessed 10 May 2009] Economist (2005) The sun also rises, [online] Available from: http://www. economist. com/displaystory. cfm? story_id=4454244 [Accessed 10 May 2009] Economist (1998) Fallen Idols, [online] Available from: http://www. economist. com/displaystory. cfm? story_id=4454244 [Accessed 10 May 2009] Ornatowski, G. K (1998) The End of Japanese-Style Human Resource Management? Sloan Management Review, [online] Available from: http://sloanreview. mit. edu/the-magazine/articles/1998/spring/3937/the-end-of-japanesestyle-human-resource-management/ [Accessed 10 May 2009] How to cite Japanese Employment Practices, Papers

Preparing Professional Practice Chatswood †Myassignmenthelp.Com

Question: Discuss About The Preparing Professional Practice Chatswood? Answer: Introduction A professional nurse embarks on a journey that begins from playing the role of a practitioner and finally achieving the status of a clinical expert in the field of healthcare (Alexander and Stewart 2016). The report will illustrate how a reflective practice on an incident affected my transition and facilitated my professional development plan. I am a graduating nurse with an eagerness to develop competence in the clinical environment. I am currently placed at an acute psychiatric ward. I had to look after people who suffer from a myriad or disorders like psychosis, bipolar, depression and schizophrenia (Batti and Steelman 2014). I had to follow up the patients to see their improved health outcomes. The experience The incident took place during the second year of my graduation. Ms. Nguyen, aged 55 years, was brought to the mental ward after she tried to inflict self-harm upon herself. She belonged to the refugee community of Vietnam. She ran a food joint along with her brother and his wife. She was widowed and lost her son after he succumbed to jaundice. I was assigned the task of admitting her to the ward. I noticed that she had several bruise marks on her wrist and a strangulation mark on the back of her neck, which indicated repeated suicide attempts. She showed non-compliance to medicines and complained of hearing voices that instructed to end her life. When I went to her bed, she grunted and turned away. On being asked her name, she took hold of the flower vase by her bedside and threw it across the room. I was startled. I had never faced any situation where the patient had displayed such aggressive behaviour. I immediately went to report the incident to the nurse-in-charge. She was not f ound anywhere. On returning, I found that she had been tied to a chair and the staffs were forcibly trying to inject tranquilisers. When I inquired, they complained that she tried to run away from the ward and pushed a staff in the process. Thus, the staff tried to inject tranquilizers. Response I felt tormented as the situation began to unravel. This acted as a transition shock (Chang and Daly 2015). I became emotional attached to Ms. Nguyen and wanted to try all possible methods to help her overcome her auditory hallucinations and agitated state of mind. Her medical records helped me understand that she was a paranoid schizophrenia patient. The negligence and a lack of professionalism shown by the concerned nurse-in-charge worsened the situation. This incident forced me to question my role as a future registered nurse and my expected job outcomes. I wanted to vent out my doubts and apprehensions. I approached a senior registered nurse and reflected on my feelings about the patient. She acted as my mentor and helped me formulate a strategy to provide timely care to Ms. Nguyen, for a satisfying experience. I found that holistic care, empathy towards patients and effective interaction helps to realise that auditory hallucinations are not real and reduces suicidal ideation (Ba lhara and Verma 2012). My mentor taught that listening to their worries with interest and quite disposition helps to build a good rapport with the patient and reduces chances of physical abuse. Challenges or internal conflicts In my graduation period, I learned about the diagnosis, pathophysiology and prognosis diseases. However, I felt anxious on the thoughts of a mental health hands-on experience. Nurses are expected to respect and acknowledge the cultural identity of their patients to promote wellbeing. They should involve family members of the patient to gain a deeper understanding of their culture (Desborough 2012). One major challenge is the lack of engagement in clinical supervision. I felt supervision was required to increase the effectiveness of therapeutic treatment strategies. Development of trust is also integral to treating a mentally ill patient (Stuart 2014). This challenge was faced when the staff tried to patronize the patient which made her more aggressive and show reluctance to treatment. Another challenge was presence of stigma among mental health staff, lack of resources that help in reducing stigma and absence of counselling or psychological intervention. The staff showed discriminati on and ill treatment towards the patient owing to mental health stigma. This discrimination makes patients show non-compliance to medications. Engagement with members and its outcomes I was directly involved in communication with Ms. Nguyen, her brother and his wife during the entire treatment. My interaction with her brother revealed the incidents that predisposed her to paranoid schizophrenia. I provided them a clear understanding of the hallucinations that she reported, her mental progress on adhering to medications and psychological therapies and the probable precautionary measures they should follow to reduce further incidents of self-harm (Frith 2014). I also interacted with my peers and nursing teachers to gain more knowledge on the incident by effective discussion and debates. It helped me devise a plan to meet the situation if it occurs again in my career. It helped me realise that if the psychologist was consulted before the staff administered tranquilisers on Ms. Nguyen, the situation would not have escalated quickly. This challenging experience gave a clear insight into caring for the mentally disturbed and reducing their distress. Conclusion The reflection helped me illuminate the blind spots and advance my professional and personal development (Usher and Foster 2015). Thus, it can be concluded that this reflection strengthened my knowledge between clinical knowledge and efficient health practice. I will use this incident as a developmental tool for enriching my future as a registered nurse. References Alexander, S.J. and Stewart, L., 2016. Establishing and maintaining a professional identity: portfolios and career progression.Transitions in Nursing: Preparing for Professional Practice, pp.259-276. Balhara, Y.P.S. and Verma, R., 2012. Schizophrenia and suicide.East Asian Archives of Psychiatry,22(3), p.126. Batti, R. and Steelman, V.M., 2014. Accountability in nursing practice: Why it is important for patient safety.Association of Operating Room Nurses. AORN Journal,100(5), p.537. Chang, E.M.L. and Daly, J., 2015. Transitions in nursing: Preparing for professional practice (Vol. 4). Chatswood. Desborough, J.L., 2012. How nurse practitioners implement their roles.Australian Health Review,36(1), pp.22-26. Frith, C.D., 2014.The cognitive neuropsychology of schizophrenia. Psychology Press. Stuart, G.W., 2014.Principles and Practice of Psychiatric Nursing-E-Book. Elsevier Health Sciences. Usher, K. and Foster, K., 2015. Reflective practice for the graduate.Transitions in Nursing-E-Book: Preparing for Professional Practice, p.277.